Ancient Warfare Podcast

Murray chats with Robert L. O'Connell about his new book 'Band on the Run' from Simon & Schuster (2026), which explores the March of the 10,000 and Xenophon's Anabasis.

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A second letter from James (in response to Murray answering his first!) James asks about ancient sieges - in particular, how Tyre fell to Alexander in 322 BC, and he also asks what Murray's favourite sieges are. Murray obliges with an overtime rant!

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Demetrios asks, "Hello Mr. Dahm, Regarding ancient artillery, in certain cases such as Josephus' account of the siege of Jotapata during the Jewish Revolt, artillery seems to be very effective in suppressing the defenders and in a sort of anti-personnel role. Due to the slow firing torsion engines of the time, how was this possible? Wouldn't a much higher rate of fire be necessary for such a role? Additionally, were artillery crewmen seen as civilian or military personnel by commanders and how were artillerymen recruited and trained? Thank you again for running AWA, it is wonderful to listen to."

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Tom asks: "Sorry for this stupid question. I have read a lot of the red Loeb, but never understood how the Auxiliary forces were managed. By Roman officers, or were they independent?"

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'After capturing the Mediterranean ports, and having been welcomed as a god in Egypt, Alexander turned east again, aiming to defeat Darius once and for all.'

In this episode of the podcast, the Ancient Warfare Magazine team discuss issue 108, 'Alexander Ascendant: The Battle of Gaugamela'.

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The second part of Carlos' question from a few episodes ago: "Second, somewhere in an old issue of AWM I have read (but I cannot find it again) that, to become a legionary, recruits needed to buy their way, and that the required payment (bribe?) was lower if you joined the auxiliaries instead. This was surprising, because I also read about a signing bonus (viaticum) by the second century. The article I remember discussed a poor Roman citizen who joined the auxilia rather than the legions because it was cheaper. What do we know about these payments? If they existed, they would take away some of the arguments that the auxilia were not anymore attractive after the Constitutio Antoniniana because everybody was a citizen: poor citizens might simply not have been able to afford the legions."

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Russ asks, "I don't know what it is called, but at a certain point ( or a certain number of points) in time, Rome decided to build walls to defend their empire. Most famous, of course, is Hadrian's Wall. But of course they are many more, such as the Antonine Wall, Walls of Lugo, Aurelian's Wall and Londinium Walls, to name a few. These walls were constructed differently and had different purposes. Anyway, were the Walls revolutionary? Or something else?"

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Jay asks "Murray, I really enjoyed your podcast about Demosthenes being one of the first generals to have a dedicated flank attack. I have always thought Demosthenes was criminally underrated among historians, because Thucydides writes about quite a few clever tactics of his. Likewise, I think Thrasybulus is another underrated commander as Athens' "last gasp" to preserve their democracy. Yet most casual history enthusiasts have probably never heard of either, while mainly focusing on Alcibiades and Pericles. If you could only pick one, which of the two do you think deserves more praise and recognition among historians?"

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Dan asks "May I submit an awa for uncle Murray here? What did legionaries drink on campaign? Aside from the obvious water and wine. Did they have flavoured cordials or plain water? Did they start their day with a hot drink and end with something cold, like we drink coffee and beer? Do we know of water rations, and can we infer if the legions were particularly hydrated or not?"

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How did tactics evolve in the ancient world? In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, the team explores how battlefield tactics developed over time, from the rigid formations of early armies to the increasingly sophisticated methods employed by some of history's greatest commanders.

They discuss the factors that drove tactical innovation, the influence of new weapons and troop types, and whether ancient generals were truly revolutionary or simply adapted to changing circumstances.

A comment exchange on FB led to today's question. Commenting on a cover of an issue of Ancient Warfare Magazine, Michael asked, "I still don't know what evidence there is for the striped headwear. Is it a trope?" Jeffrey replied, "Now I am curious too. Maybe a topic for Ancient Warfare Answers Podcast to answer:" Ask, and you shall receive. Murray explores.

Seth tracked Murray down via Facebook Messenger and asked: "Hi Murray, really appreciate your AWA podcast, great short bursts of knowledge.

One question that bugs me about legionaries. Why did the Romans completely abandon the spear in favour of the pilum? Does it function effectively as a thrusting weapon as well as a thrown weapon?

If you have a space for a two-for, do you have time to talk about the comparative effectiveness of slings vs bows in the classical world? When did slings drop out of use in organised warfare? That's probably three, but you've made the mistake of being highly accessible and willing to take a crack at all sorts of topics."

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Carlos writes: "Hi Murray, Even though I've been an AWM subscriber for long, I only recently started listening to the podcast. I love the AWA episodes, and the regular group podcasts too.

I have a two-part question for AWA. First, I have read in various places that there were certain requirements to be admitted as a legionary in the Army of the Principate. For example, I've read in a popular magazine (not AWM!) that legionaries needed to be at least 1.80 m tall. This sounds difficult to believe. I have also often read that all legionaries needed to be able to read and write. This sounds more believable as a declaration of intentions, but it seems unlikely that it could actually be enforced.

What were the actual requirements, other than being a Roman citizen, in the Principate?"

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'When Germanic warbands crossed the Rhine in 17 BC, they set in motion a turbulent series of Roman campaigns into Germania that spanned three decades.'

In this episode of the podcast, the team discusses AW107, Rome Crosses the Rhine: Early Campaigns in Germania.

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Following on from Murray discussion of Athenian Archers in AWA 397, Tim asks "It would be interesting to hear of the effectiveness of the archers. In wargaming, Cretan archers are usually considered as better than other archers, similar to Belearic slingers. Was this actually true or just a wargaming tradition?" Murray investigates

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Jack asks: "Hi Murray Do we have enough information to actually describe how the Huns were dressed for war? Did they look much the same as the Goths or other migration era peoples? Is it a misconception to think they looked anything like the later Mongols? Did they go in for bright or rich fabrics in their panoply, like other Warrior cultures? I've heard that they were keen to get their hands on silk fabric, did they then wear this into battle?

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Here is an AWA from Brie: "Besides communicating orders and psychological warfare, what role and status did trumpeters have in warfare? Did they have sidearms like musicians of early modern warfare? The Gallic carnyx is of particular interest to me in this regard." This is probably in regard to the exciting carnyx found in Thetford, Norfolk in early 2026, only the third found in Britain. With it were a boar standard and several shield bosses. Murray discusses them all.

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Carlos, an economics professor (!), asks: Hi Murray, I am a long-time AWM subscriber, born in Hispania, working in Britannia, and mostly living in Raetia. Love the podcast. My question is this. With the Constitutio Antoniniana, all young men within the Imperium became citizens and could enlist in the legions instead of the auxilia. Hence, the auxilia presumably attracted less recruits. With Diocletian's reforms, whatever remained of the auxilia was absorbed into a fully new structure with limitanei, comitatenses, and auxilia palatina, the latter being elite. This suggests that the distinction between legions and auxilia might had become fuzzy at that point, else one could just have assigned the auxilia to the borders. What do we know about the evolution of the auxilia from the Constitutio Antoniniana to Diocletian's reforms? Were they still around, with named units slowly vanishing for lack of recruits, or did they become something else by enlisting non-citizens? Did they become part of a wild mixture of units with all-barbarian numeri in the chaos of the third century and its many revolts? Surely, at the very least, Tacitus' old statement that auxiliaries and legionaries were roughly equal in number is no longer valid for the third century? Murray Investigates.

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AW issue 107 on Augustus' German campaigns is in the last stages of preparation so the panel thought it would be a good idea to lay the ground work in preparation for next month's podcast on issue 107. So, tonight we're discussing 'Why Germany' and the opening up of the Rhine frontier as a place for future campaigns, from the Cimbri and Teutones and Caesar onwards down yo the time of Augustus.

Following on from an earlier episode on War Pigs, Murray digs deeper into the imagery of pigs and boars in Roman military history.

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tadejtomic1943 asks, "Hi Murray, what was the army composition. How many men did it have. Was that the first time the Macedonian Phalanx operated and fought in Italy?What was Alexander Molossus' ultimate goal in Italy? Thanks!" Murray goes on a deep dive to discover the answers.

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James from California has taken the time to write a fan letter to Ancient Warfare Answers! This is much appreciated! Murray muses over James' letter (which was into response to the die is cast but, as always, leads down much more widespread paths.

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The Marian reforms are said to have transformed the Roman army from a citizen militia into a more professional fighting force, reshaping how Rome made war.

In this episode, the Ancient Warfare Magazine team discuss the Marian reforms, what they actually were, and how far their impact has been understood or misunderstood.

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John has been watching the trailer for the 2026 film 'The Odyssey', starring Matt Damon as Odysseus, and something does not sit right. The Trojan War is usually dated to the thirteenth or twelfth century BC, a period associated with Mycenaean or Achaean warfare and distinctive equipment, such as boar-tusk and horned helmets. This is the world shown in archaeological reconstructions and classic works such as Peter Connolly's The Ancient Greece of Odysseus.

Yet in film and illustration, the warriors of Homer's epics are almost always dressed in the armour of much later centuries. Corinthian and Chalcidian helmets recur frequently, even though these types do not appear until hundreds of years after the traditional date of the Trojan War. The Odyssey trailer continues this trend, showing both Corinthian and open-faced Chalcidian helmets among Odysseus' men.

So how did this confusion of periods become so entrenched in modern depictions of Homeric warfare? Why do artists and filmmakers consistently reach for the armour of Classical Greece rather than the material culture of the Late Bronze Age? Murray unpacks how this visual tradition developed and why it has proved so hard to shift.

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Peter got in touch with some thoughtful feedback and a set of big questions about the Battle of Arausio in 105 BC. A long-time reader of Ancient Warfare and a regular podcast listener, Peter has been debating Arausio with a wargaming friend and wanted Murray's take on a few key issues. Was Arausio a failure of Roman arms, or a failure of Roman politics that ended in catastrophe? If Caepio and Mallius had cooperated, could the battle have been won, or was defeat inevitable? And how capable were the Cimbrian commanders, and are they underestimated because our sources are Roman? Murray tackles all of this in a substantial episode of Ancient Warfare Answers.

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Responding to a recent episode of the main Ancient Warfare podcast, Eric writes in to ask about the purpose of the crest on helmets worn by ancient Greek and Roman soldiers.

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Bronze helmets, greaves, armour, and bronze-faced shields make for an impressive army, but who fought in all that kit, next to whom, and how?

In the latest episode of the Ancient Warfare Magazine Podcast, the team discusses issue 106 of the magazine, Greece in the late Archaic period.

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Following an earlier episode in which Murray suggested that warfare was often conceived as frontal and honourable, Peter writes in with a response. He reflects on the idea that outflanking an opponent may once have been seen as poor form, even cowardly or lacking heroic virtue, and asks when outflanking became a tactical innovation deliberately employed in battle.

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John asks whether there are historical examples of a formation being outflanked where the troops on the threatened flank turn to engage the attacker, while the main line remains engaged to the front, effectively fighting on two faces at once while maintaining cohesion.

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Samuel asks about Athenian archers at the start of the Peloponnesian War. Thucydides lists significant numbers of them in 431 and it raises a series of questions. How were these archers equipped Were they citizens, metics or the famous Scythian archers Did they serve aboard triremes or mainly in garrisons Were they poorer citizens unable to afford hoplite equipment, or were they specialists and mercenaries.

Murray looks at what we know from the sources and archaeology about Athenian archers.

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What counts as a true revolution in warfare? In this episode, the panel tackles the idea of sudden and radical change on the ancient battlefield. Rather than slow evolution, they ask which developments transformed how wars were fought almost overnight.

From the emergence of the phalanx and the impact of the trireme at sea, to the spread of cavalry, chariots, and new ways of organising troops, the discussion ranges across the ancient world. The panel also considers technological shifts, including the move from copper to bronze and later to iron, and whether these really changed warfare in a single moment or over longer periods.

Is there such a thing as an ancient equivalent to modern drone warfare, or are even the most dramatic changes the result of adaptation and learning? As ever, the panel bring different perspectives to a lively debate about what really counts as a revolution in warfare.

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Alexis asks about the connection between the Roman military and gladiators. Why did the army build and use its own amphitheatres, like the one at Carnuntum, with others recently identified at Megiddo and possibly Carthage and Puteoli Another puzzle is why the army engaged with gladiators at all when civilian amphitheatres already existed.

Murray looks at what military amphitheatres were for in day to day army life. Were they training grounds, places of discipline, entertainment or demonstrations of Roman power He explores how common gladiator involvement with the army actually was, how units may have used them for morale or control, and what archaeology can tell us about life inside the frontier camps.

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Ancient sources claim that pigs were sometimes used as weapons against war elephants. Murray examines the origins of this idea, whether it ever occurred, and the famous story associated with Antigonus II Gonatas at the siege of Megara. Did armies really set pigs on fire to panic war elephants? What evidence do we have for this practice? Was it a routine tactic, or does the story survive primarily because of a single account by Antigonus II Gonatas of the siege of Megara?

Murray examines the sources behind these claims, what ancient writers say about animals used against elephants, and the reliability of these accounts.

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Listener question from TheSgruby: He asks, "How long were bronze helmets in use? Even after better materials appeared, they seem to have lasted a surprisingly long time as part of military equipment." Murray takes a look.

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On 10 January 49 BC, Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon River, a decision that would trigger civil war and reshape the Roman world. But what did this moment really mean, and how inevitable was the conflict that followed?

In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, the team explore the political and military background to Caesar's fateful decision. We look at the breakdown of relations between Caesar and Pompey, the pressures within the Roman Republic, and why compromise ultimately failed. Was Caesar forced into action, or did he deliberately choose war?

The discussion goes beyond the famous phrase and the dramatic image of a single river crossing. We examine the military realities Caesar faced, the loyalties of his legions, Pompey's strategic position, and how contemporaries understood the step Caesar had taken. Finally, we consider how the crossing of the Rubicon has been remembered, mythologised, and misunderstood ever since.

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Listener question from Andrew: While watching a video on the Second Persian Invasion, Andrew wondered why the Greeks didn't attack the Persian engineers as they built the massive pontoon bridge across the Hellespont. How was the bridge constructed and defended, and did the Greeks miss a real chance to destroy it? Murray explains.

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Listener question from @klappspatenkamikaze: After commenting on an earlier episode about cloaks in combat, they added, "Now I want to know more about signalling 😃." Murray is happy to oblige.

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Listener question from TheSgruby: How important were the Evocati in Roman political and military life? And when do they first – and last – appear in the historical record?

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In this episode of Ancient Warfare Answers, Murray Dahm tackles a question about Roman tactics. If the Romans deployed in three lines of infantry, each eight men deep, how did they avoid leaving their flanks exposed to an enemy who could form a single, wider line? Murray unpacks how the Roman system worked and why it proved so effective.

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"The second century begins with a great war of conquest, and ends with another civil war between pretenders to the throne. Between those two extremes, there were changes in equipment, the rise of career officers, and the introduction of campaigns fought with detachments, instead of uprooting the entire legion."

The team discuss the latest edition of the magazine issue 105, A Century of Warfare: The Roman army in the 2nd century AD.

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In this episode of Ancient Warfare Answers, Murray Dahm returns to the topic of dice in the ancient world. After a question about Greek and Roman dice and the game of Hazard, Murray explores other games played with dice and uncovers intriguing details about the Roman game of Alea — perhaps the one Julius Caesar referenced with his famous phrase "Alea iacta est." As always, the reality is more complex than it first seems.

In this episode of Ancient Warfare Answers, Murray Dahm tackles a listener question from Richard Azzalin. Did Greek and Roman soldiers ever fight while wearing their cloaks or chlamys? And did warriors sometimes go into battle barefoot? Murray looks at what the evidence tells us about these details of ancient warfare.

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Dominik asks: is the famous story of Hannibal and Scipio Africanus meeting to discuss history's greatest generals plausible? Murray Dahm examines the ancient accounts, the realities of elite travel in the ancient world, and whether such encounters between great commanders could have happened.

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With Christmas just around the corner, the Ancient Warfare team take a break from battles to share their top reading recommendations for the holidays. From newly released studies to timeless classics, Jasper, Murray, Mark, Lindsay, and Marc each choose books that any ancient warfare enthusiast would love to find under the tree.

Whether you're looking for inspiration for your own list or shopping for a fellow history buff, this episode is full of great ideas to keep you reading well into the new year.

Suggested BooksDecorated Roman Armour: From the Ages of the Kings to the Death of Justinian the Great Germanicus: The Magnificent Life and Mysterious Death of Rome's Most Popular General Inside the Roman Legions: The Soldier's Experience 264–107 BCE The War for Gaul: A New Translation Crossing the Pomerium: The Boundaries of Political, Religious, and Military Institutions from Caesar to Constantine Shadow Empires: An Alternative Imperial History Ancient Rome in Fifty Monuments Early Rome to 290 BC: The Beginnings of the City and the Rise of the Republic The African Emperor: The Life of Septimius Severus Weapons, Warriors and Battles of Ancient Iberia Caesarian Legionary vs Pompeian Legionary: Rome's Civil War 49–45 BC: 82 Roman Cavalry Tactics: 263 The Wars of Justinian I A Thousand Ships: A Gripping Feminist Retelling of the Trojan War The Children of Jocasta: A Viscerally Atmospheric Retelling of Greek Myth Hadrian's Wall Vindolanda

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A listener asks: without modern nutritionists or recovery plans, how did Caesar's legionnaires maintain the stamina to fight repeated battles, such as Bibracte and the Arar in 58 BC? Murray Dahm looks at training, diet, and discipline in Rome's legions, and how ancient soldiers sustained their fighting edge.

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A listener asks: with Greek and Roman soldiers well-armoured elsewhere, how did they protect the tops of their feet from injury? Murray Dahm explores what ancient sources and archaeology reveal about footwear, armour, and the realities of combat.

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A listener from Brisbane asks: how did the Greek hoplite phalanx maintain a cohesive front while advancing into battle over uneven terrain dotted with trees, bushes, and obstacles? Murray Dahm explains how ancient soldiers kept formation, reformed when disrupted, and adapted their tactics to the landscape.

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How do you get the right man to command your armies? Does he learn on the job, or from books, and what happens when something goes wrong?

In this episode, the team discusses issue 104, Who Put You in Charge? Commanding an Army in Antiquity.

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Augusto from Argentina asks: "How reliable is Polyaenus' account of the Persians using cats—or images of cats—against the Egyptians at Pelusium? Is there any truth to the story, or is it just legend?" Murray Dahm explores the evidence behind this curious tale.

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A listener on YouTube asks: "How much do we really know about the Bacaudae, and how important were they in the collapse of the Western Roman Empire?" Murray takes a closer look at these enigmatic rebels of Late Antiquity.

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In this episode, Murray Dahm revisits Alexander's encounter with scythed chariots and unpacks some of the practical and tactical issues surrounding their historical use. From wargaming figure ratios to the use of caltrops, shield-banging, and even Roman caligae, we explore how ancient armies may have neutralised these fearsome weapons.

Were chariots best used against cavalry or lighter infantry? Did ancient troops rely on noise and tight formations—or did they use more direct countermeasures? And finally, a listener asks: is there any evidence that chariot drivers dismounted before impact—or is that a modern myth?

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In this episode of Ancient Warfare Answers, Murray Dahm explores the link between the Korybantic and Kouretic dances and the ancient warrior tradition. Unlike the more familiar Pyrrhic dance—used as military training—these ritual performances were deeply spiritual, involving ecstatic movement, clashing weapons, and the warding of evil.

But could such rituals have shaped not just warrior identity, but also the tools of war themselves? Murray considers how spiritual beliefs may have influenced the way ancient cultures approached weapons, armour, and even materials like bronze and iron.

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In this episode, we explore the ultimate "time travel" question: if you could witness any battle in history, which one would you choose?

We focus on a handful of iconic clashes, including Pharsalus, where Pompey surrendered unexpectedly, and Actium, exploring the real plan behind Antinous' manoeuvres. We also dive into the Teutoburg Forest, one of Rome's most devastating defeats, and consider what makes a battle truly unforgettable.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, Murray tackles a question from Jörn: How different are an ancient Greek city-state's hoplite phalanx and a Germanic shield wall? While separated by centuries and culture, both formations relied on close-order infantry and cohesion.

Murray explores their tactical similarities and differences, the contexts in which they developed, and what each reveals about the societies that used them.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, Murray answers a question from Marc about the actual size of ancient military units. Modern sources often quote full-strength numbers for legions and cohorts, but were ancient armies ever truly at full capacity?

Drawing on evidence such as the Vindolanda tablets, Murray discusses how understrength units may have been the norm, and whether modern historians should reconsider the numbers they often cite.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, Murray answers a listener's question about games of chance in the ancient world. Did soldiers pass the time with dice games or gambling, much like those in more recent conflicts? Drawing on historical sources and archaeological finds, Murray explores what kinds of games ancient soldiers played, how widespread gambling may have been, and what these pastimes reveal about life in the ranks during times of war and peace.

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'With the emergence of the first city-states came the first cases of organised warfare and campaigns of conquest, as well as developments in arms and armour.'

In this episode, the team discusses issue 103, Battles of the Bronze Age: Unravelling the Origins of Warfare.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, Murray answers a question from @tadejtomic1943: Why and when did the distinctions between Hastati, Principes, and Triarii disappear from the Roman Republican army? He explores the evolution of Roman military organisation, the reasons behind the shift away from this tripartite structure, and what replaced it as Rome's army adapted to new challenges.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, Murray answers a question inspired by Finis Britanniae: Were Roman military commands permanent structures, or more ad hoc arrangements that changed with the situation? Drawing comparisons to modern military organisation, Murray examines what the ancient sources tell us about how Roman armies were structured and led in times of shifting security demands.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, Murray tackles a listener question from @tadejtomic1943: When did the classical Greek hoplite cease to exist? Drawing on historical sources and archaeological evidence, Murray explores how and when the iconic heavily armed infantryman faded from use—and what replaced him in the evolving landscape of ancient warfare.

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We're between issues of Ancient Warfare magazine, so in this episode the team takes the opportunity to discuss some of the major controversies in Roman warfare.

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In this episode, Murray tackles a thoughtful listener question: were heavy, armoured troops consistently more effective than missile-armed light troops? Our listener reflects that European armies rarely seem to have been decimated by light forces—Carrhae being a rare exception—and wonders whether this is an accurate memory. Why did Persians, for instance, favour missile troops, and why didn't this overwhelm Macedonian forces despite showers of arrows, slings, and javelins?

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In this episode, Murray takes on a question that's been asked before — but this time, he's invited to share his personal opinion:

"OK... so it's been asked before in a general sense and the official answer is... we don't know! But Murray... in your own opinion, what's your best guess as to why slingers go away? Please speculate!"

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In this episode, Murray addresses a fascinating and complex listener question concerning the famous scythed chariots used at the Battle of Gaugamela:

"Dear Murray, I have a question on the scythed chariots at Gaugamela. I developed and played a wargame scenario on it, and these things have become a true enigma. The problem is the number of chariots, the frontage they could cover in relation to the phalanx, and how agile the phalanx would need to be to let them through harmlessly..."

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"From the simple cap to the most intricately-wrought and elaborately-decorated royal example, the humble helmet could do much more than just protect its bearer's head."

For this episode of the Ancient Warfare Magazine podcast, the team discusses helmets in the Ancient World, issue 102 of the magazine.

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In this episode, Murray tackles a listener question sent in by postcard from Damien in Tasmania:

"Hi Murray, I love the magazine and the podcasts. My question is: Is there any evidence for a standard padded garment, worn under armour, in non-Roman armies (the equivalent of a subarmalis)? Or may it be assumed to be an individual choice? Cheers, Damien."

Murray explores the evidence—or lack of it—for padded under-armour garments across various ancient armies outside of the Roman world.

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In this episode, Murray Dahm tackles a listener question about the best translators for classical texts like Herodotus's Histories. Are modern versions better? What's the deal with Penguin's Aubrey de Sélincourt vs. Tom Holland's more recent take?

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Matt from North Carolina writes 'Can you explain and describe what an oblique phalanx is and how it was used in war by Alexander the Great?'

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Ralph Kirby challenges Murray with an intriguing question: could the Polybolas be considered the least influential weapon on the ancient battlefield? Used by both the Successor Macedonian states and Rome, Kirby argues that the Polybolas might have even replaced the Scorpio as a legionary siege weapon.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Magazine Podcast, the team explores groundbreaking archaeological discoveries from 2025 that are reshaping our understanding of ancient conflicts. From mass graves to reinterpreted royal tombs, these finds illuminate the strategies, societies, and struggles of the past.

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In more modern battles, small farm compounds like La Haye Sainte and Hougoumont played pivotal roles in the fighting. But in ancient warfare, we rarely see small villas or farmsteads having a similar impact on battles. Why is that? Were these features less significant in ancient combat, or are there examples where small built-up areas shaped the course of battle? Join Murray Dahm as he tackles this intriguing question on Ancient Warfare Answers!

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Long-time listener Uygar sent this in. "why did ancient armies, especially Greek phalanx-heavy ones, have relatively few ranged units like archers and slingers compared to line infantry? How did an ancient army determine the right number of ranged units for their army? And did the ranged units fight in a scattered manner in between the formations of the heavier line infantry rather than in rigid formations?'

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'I was curious as to how exactly the scouting process worked in ancient armies, although I'm sure it varied widely throughout different cultures and time periods. Additionally, was there every a commonly accepted type of soldier selected for scouting, or did ancient commanders simply send whoever was available? Thanks to Demetri for this question.

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In this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, Marc De Santis talks to historian and author Lindsay Powell about his latest book, Tiberius: From Masterly Commander to Masterful Emperor of Rome, published by Pen and Sword. Often overshadowed by his predecessor Augustus and his notorious successor Caligula, Tiberius is one of Rome's most enigmatic emperors. Lindsay delves into the life and reign of this complex figure—his military career, political challenges, and strained relationships within the Julio-Claudian dynasty.

Was Tiberius truly the brooding recluse history remembers, or have we misunderstood the man who ruled the Roman Empire for over two decades?

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What would be your ideal ancient military? Would it be a semi-nomadic people with skilled cavalry and infantry, and how would you structure this military? Murray gives us his ideas and explains what his historical inspirations for this thought experiment are.

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Dylan Thomas, watching on YouTube, asked, 'I'm curious about the early life of Marcus Furius Camillus. He seems to pop up during the siege of Veii in Livy's work, with few mentions beforehand, and is then an important figure going forward. Are there any primary sources that recount his early life and career?

The man's a legend, easily one of the top ten Romans of all time, but there seem to be scant records of him.'

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"The Peloponnesian War had ripped up the existing alliances in Greece — over the next decades, the main city-states looked for ways to regain money, power, and win battles."

The team discuss the latest issue of the magazine City-States in an Arms Race: Greek innovation in the fourth century BC, issue 101.

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In the last episode, Murray expanded upon an article in the magazine in response to Chris's question. After recording that episode, Murray realised he had not answered the whole question.

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Chris sent this question for Murray, asking him to expand on one of his articles in the magazine.

'I recently read your article on the siege of Masada in Ancient Warfare magazine. I had a couple of questions regarding the assumptions made about the shortened timeline of the siege. Specifically, you mentioned two assumptions supporting the idea of a shorter siege. Could you provide more information or sources to support this hypothesis?

Additionally, I have a colleague who views Josephus's work with scepticism, considering him a collaborator whose writings might have served as Roman propaganda. Given this perspective, I wondered why there seems to be such heavy reliance on Josephus, especially considering the article's focus on Legion X Fretensis rather than Josephus's narrative.'

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Don Antonius sent this question: 'Was there an inspiring role of Elite Units in ancient armies? Do we have accounts of battles where elite units (not necessarily "veterans") like the Roman cataphracts, Carthage's sacred band etc. supposedly lifted the spirits to fight on or evidently change the odds?'

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Christopher asks, 'why didn't adversaries to Rome (especially on the Italian peninsula) see the methods by which Rome consistently recovered from defeat and tried to emulate them?'

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In the latest episode of the Ancient Warfare Magazine podcast, Marc De Santis speaks with Murray Dahm about his new book, Roman Soldier vs Dacian Warrior: Dacian Wars AD 85–106.

The wars between Rome and Dacia were some of the most intense and strategically important conflicts of the early 2nd century AD. Fought during the reign of Emperor Domitian and later under Trajan, these battles saw the disciplined Roman legions face off against the determined warriors of Dacia. The struggle ended with Rome's annexation of Dacia, a victory commemorated on Trajan's Column in Rome.

Murray's new book, published by Osprey, examines the tactics, weaponry, and battlefield experiences of both Roman soldiers and their Dacian opponents. In this episode, he discusses the challenges faced by both sides, the effectiveness of Dacian weapons—such as the falx—and how Rome adapted its military approach to counter the threat.

Listen to the episode to learn more about one of Rome's toughest adversaries and the warfare that shaped the empire's northern frontier.

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This question came via a comment on an earlier podcast.

'Which type of armour did the legions under Caesar and Augustus use? I understand the lorica segmentata was adopted later, but was it used during Octavian's era?

Additionally, I've found references to three types of scuta (shields): the curved oval used by late Republican soldiers, a slightly curved rectangular version, and the iconic rectangular scutum seen in reliefs of Trajan and Aurelius. Could you clarify which types of shields were used during Augustus' later reign and the periods of Germanicus and Vespasian?'

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Shabbi poses this intriguing question,'how vulnerable were armies during the Bronze and Iron Ages to lightning strikes, whether on the battlefield or while marching, given their use of metal weapons, armour, and formations in open areas?

Could such vulnerability have influenced ancient religions, particularly the widespread belief in storm and lightning gods in various unconnected cultures (like Zeus, Thor, and Indra)? For example, could events like lightning strikes swaying the tide of battle (if such an event is plausible) explain why so many societies independently developed lightning-wielding deities?'

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These questions came via postcard from Michael in Boston.

'What really happened at the battle of Lugdunum (197 CE)? I've read that this battle might have been the largest in Roman history - do you agree?

I've also read that this battle lasted multiple days. How does that work? Did both sides retire at night and resume fighting in the morning, or was skirmishing constant throughout?'

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Two great questions here for Murray on the topic of usurpers.

'It seems Legio VII Gemina raised by Galba in AD 68 in Hispania is quite unique. In terms of being a creation by a usurper. Are there any other similar units raised usurpers and retained by victors? Also, what province Ancient Warfare crew consider the best in terms of starting usurpation/rise of the new Emperor?'

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'For those trying to win wars in the ancient world, large armies were a necessity. However, the personal prestige earned from a victory in single combat was still unmatched.'

In this episode, the AW team discuss issue XVII.6 Duels to the Death: Single Combat in Antiquity.

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For the first episode of 2025, we have this from @mrookeward, who asks Murray to explore some of the tropes (or not tropes) for 'uniforms'. E.g. the Spartan lambda shield, or ancient Egyptian headwear.

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Murray answers four questions in just one episode sent in by David: 1. Were the legions largely (or even completely) replaced by the foederati by the seventh century CE? 2. What do we know about the ethnic makeup of the armies that fought for pagan Rome in the wars of the first centuries BCE and CE (largely legionaries from southern Europe?) compared to the armies that fought for Byzantine Rome in the seventh-century wars (largely "barbarians"?), including Heraclius's reconquest of Jerusalem in 628 CE from the Persian Sassanid empire? 3. Do you have a view (either way) on the argument—made most compellingly by Tom Holland in his 2014 book, In the Shadow of the Sword—that the Byzantine Roman army of the early seventh century was made up largely of fighters from the southern Levant and northern Arabia (where the Ghassanids came from)? 4. Could Arab forces that formerly made up the Foederati have "declared independence" from Rome in the third decade of the seventh century and ultimately have conquered the Levant from the Romans in the 630s (before engaging in civil war among themselves and the descendants of the Lakhmids, who had fought on behalf of the Sassanid empire three decades later)? In other words, might Muhammad and his original followers all have been former Foederati, who turned against their former Eastern Roman clients, much like the Gothic barbarians did against their former Western Roman clients a couple centuries earlier?

'We've all heard of ancient armies catapulting corpses and manure over walls in sieges, but is the modern intuition that this was to promote illness in those cities correct? Are there any primary sources that describe flinging corpses in order to make the defenders sick, or was it more likely just out of convivence for the attackers?' Thanks Thomas for sending that in.

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With the release of Ridley Scott's Gladiator II, the Ancient Warfare team have headed off to their local cinemas (well, almost all of the team) for a screening.

Will this be as influential on future historians as the original Gladiator movie?

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Murray gives his thoughts on this question sent in by Paul, 'were the reasons for war in ancient times any different to the modern era?'

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Jason sent this in for Murry to muse over, 'a lot of old action war movies set in ancient times have two champions or the two kings from both sides meeting in combat as their armies watch on before the battle starts. Has there ever been any historical battles where two men have fought like this, or is it purely fiction? If it is fiction, are there any good stories of two champions or kings meeting in battle?'

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Thanks to Valentine for sending this in. 'I have finished rereading your excellent article, "Men you can Trust," in Volume 16, Issue 6 of Ancient Warfare. A question arose in my mind that you may be able to answer. With the bulk of Alexander's army in Asia, and especially India, why did no foreign invader seek to take advantage of the situation by invading parts of Macedonia?'

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JackSarge poses this question for Murray. What effect did the Hunnic invasions into Western Europe have on Britain? Did Attila send emissaries to Britain or make any demands of it?

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Founded in the war against Sextus Pompeius, the 'Legion of the Strait' spent most of its long history in the provinces of the Roman East with Parthians, Sasanians, and zealots.

For this episode of the Ancient Warfare Podcast, the team discuss issue XVII.5 of the magazine, The Legion of the Strait: A History of Legio Fretensis.

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Another question from Miles, what defines heavy infantry in the ancient world? Were Phalangites considered heavy infantry at the time?

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Miles asks, what armour did Macedonian and late Hellenistic Phalangites wear? If they were initially equipped with lighter armour (e.g., linothorax), did they wear heavier metal armour at later points in history? If not, do we know why?

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At what point was Roman success inevitable during Rome's wars to conquer the rest of Italy through the 5th, 4th, and 3rd centuries BC? Murray gives us his thoughts.

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