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Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

Korea JoongAng Daily - Daily News from Korea

Newsroom of the Korea JoongAng Daily

Audio recordings of the Korea JoongAng Daily's in-depth, on-the-scene news articles and features informing readers around the world of the issues of the day in Korea. Under the slogan "Your window to Korea", the Korea JoongAng Daily is an English-language news organization focused on Korea that strives to publish factual, timely and unbiased articles.

4476 - How a humanitarian transfer of North Korean POWs became a row between Seoul and Kyiv Who are the two soldiers, and what happened? Was there really an agreement to keep it secret? Why did Kyiv want secrecy, and why did it go public? Why has Seoul reacted s
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  • 4476 - How a humanitarian transfer of North Korean POWs became a row between Seoul and Kyiv Who are the two soldiers, and what happened? Was there really an agreement to keep it secret? Why did Kyiv want secrecy, and why did it go public? Why has Seoul reacted s

    Ukraine asked South Korea to keep the transfer of two North Korean prisoners of war secret from the start of their talks, South Korea's spy agency told lawmakers Wednesday, supporting Seoul's account in a dispute that has led it to summon Kyiv's top envoy and demand an apology.
    The two governments agreed on confidentiality through "several channels," including a phone call between their foreign ministers and talks between South Korea's embassy in Kyiv and Ukraine's Foreign Ministry, the National Intelligence Service (NIS) said, according to lawmakers briefed behind closed doors.
    Ukraine has not expressed regret or apologized "officially or unofficially," the agency said. Kyiv denies any such agreement.

    The row pits two governments that have been on the same side since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
    Analysts in both countries point to a gap in expectations as the source of the dispute. Kyiv likely expected something in return for the handover, while Seoul calls it a humanitarian matter "not tied to any other precondition or issue."
    The two men, identified by the surnames Ri and Baek, were among an estimated 14,000 to 15,000 troops North Korea has sent to fight for Russia since 2024.
    Ukrainian forces captured them in Russia's Kursk region in January 2025, the first North Korean soldiers taken alive in the war.
    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky made them public, posting their photos and interrogation video and offering to return them to North Korea in exchange for Ukrainians held by Russia. The two later said they wanted to go to South Korea, whose Constitution treats North Koreans as its citizens.
    They arrived in mid-September. The NIS said it had confirmed several times that the men wanted to come to South Korea and that they had no major health problems.
    Seoul said nothing until Sept. 23, when Zelensky announced the transfer at the United Nations General Assembly.
    President Lee Jae Myung in an X post on Sept. 24 called the disclosure "deeply regrettable," saying Ukraine had breached a confidentiality agreement. Zelensky's office denied any agreement existed, and on Monday, Seoul summoned Ukraine's acting ambassador, Andrii Vieshkin.
    Kyiv's position has narrowed: a senior Ukrainian official told the Financial Times that the foreign ministers discussed the transfer in June, but no secrecy agreement was reached at the presidential level. The NIS said it "does not know" whether the two presidents agreed.
    Kwon Ki-chang, a former South Korean ambassador to Ukraine, told the Korea JoongAng Daily that understandings on a humanitarian case like this are normally reached orally, through the embassy and the host country's foreign ministry.
    "Leaving a written record for a single case like this would actually be unusual," he said.
    Nor could the two sides have read "confidential" differently, Kwon said. "Keeping it confidential means not informing the media and not announcing it publicly. It is a very commonsense agreement."

    Ukraine asked first because publicity could hurt its prisoner exchanges with Russia and with third countries, the NIS said.
    Seoul's presidential office has also said Kyiv worried about criticism at home for giving up a chance to trade the pair for Ukrainian prisoners.
    Russia had offered to free thousands of Ukrainians for the pair, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said privately during a late-June visit to Seoul, according to a diplomatic source.
    "From the standpoint of Ukrainians, turning down such an offer and sending the two North Koreans to South Korea makes no sense," Kwon said. "Because of that burden, I think [Kyiv] proposed keeping it confidential."
    Nataliia Butyrska, an associate senior analyst at the New Europe Center, a Kyiv-based think tank, said Russia "even delayed prisoner exchanges for six months" trying to get the men back.
    "Ukrainian society has generally been understanding of the decision to transfer the prisoners of war to South Korea, as South Korea is widely view...

    Wed, 30 Sep 2026 - 10min
  • 4475 - 'God of Vocals' Lee Seung-chul marks 40 years with WOODZ duet, global tour plans

    Back in the day, when K-pop wasn't even a term, there was a singer known by the moniker "God of Vocals."
    That singer, Lee Seung-chul, was both a hitmaker and one of the country's biggest live draws. Songs like "Heeya" (1988), "Never Ending Story" (2002) and "No One Else" (2009) are still considered classics of his generation.
    Forty years after his debut, he is still going strong — and still hungry to sing and connect with his fans.
    To mark the milestone, Lee is launching a project series in which he teams up with younger artists on a mix of brand-new songs and remakes of his past hits. First up is a collaboration with WOODZ, who wrote the duet "Our Story" as a tribute to the 59-year-old singer.

    "I've always told myself I'd rather be a working singer than a legend," Lee said at a press conference held Tuesday in Hannam-dong, central Seoul.
    "I thought I would retire around my 30th anniversary, but something unimaginable is happening now. It feels overwhelming to receive a tribute song from a singer like WOODZ, and I thought to myself that I should sing even harder," Lee said, tearing up.
    For WOODZ, collaborating with Lee was more than just singing a duet.
    "I call him abuji," WOODZ said, using an affectionate, colloquial form of abeoji, the Korean word for father.
    "He's the same age as my dad, who passed away a few years ago. My dad was a huge fan, and I grew up listening to Lee's songs and singing them with him at noraebang (Korean singing room). I think my dad would be jealous of me right now."
    "Our Story" is a mid-tempo rock ballad with a message of hope and comfort.
    "I imagined what it would be like at my 40th anniversary as a singer who just greeted 12th. One of the dominating feelings for me now is that if there's no listener, everything I do becomes meaningless. So I imagined that Lee would have that mindset of wanting to give back to his fans. This song contains love toward fans and consolation," WOODZ said.
    Looking back on his early days, Lee recalled a very different era for Korean pop music.
    When he debuted in 1986 as the lead vocalist of the Korean rock band Boohwal, it was an era of strict censorship, including broadcasting. Singing in English on TV shows was banned, and even dyeing one's hair or wearing sunglasses were restricted.
    "When I see K-pop thrive now, I just think to myself that I want to be reborn," Lee said with a chuckle.
    "BTS singing at the World Cup was amazing. K-pop singers now vie for the Grammys, which was unimaginable back then. Through the audition program 'The Scout,' I'm trying to live out the dream I never got to fulfill."
    "The Scout" is an audition program launched early this year by Lee on a cable channel.
    Lee's past 40 years haven't been without ups and downs. Notably, he underwent surgery for vocal cord nodules in 2018 and had to rest for nearly three years. At one point during recovery, he couldn't speak a single word for a month.
    For a singer who wishes to stay visible and audible to his audiences, that break was frustrating. But according to Lee, that hiatus eventually brought back his voice stronger than ever.
    "This is the second song I've released since the surgery. It was such a good song that I didn't have much problem singing it despite initial concern because WOODZ has such a high pitch and I thought I wouldn't make it," Lee said, adding he listened to the demo more than 500 times to mimic how WOODZ sang it.
    "Now, I sing in a way that ditches Lee Seung-chul. I try to follow what the producer and the song creator want rather than insisting on my style."
    Lee has his schedule packed through next year.
    After performing at university festivals, the latest barometer of successful K-pop acts, he resumes on a nationwide concert tour in November, followed by a world tour next year.
    "I want to be a singer people listen to and think of as naturally as they breathe, someone they hum along to like the sound of their own breath," he said.
    "Let's meet again at my 50th anniversary."
    "Our Stor...

    Wed, 30 Sep 2026 - 04min
  • 4474 - A song of Seoul: Denmark's music-loving ambassador touts trust, wind power and rye bread Q. Your postings included more than two decades in Asia. How does Seoul compare? You've written songs about the cities in your past postings. What's the story behind

    Ambassador Mikael Hemniti Winther discusses his forthcoming Seoul song, Denmark's welfare model, offshore wind cooperation and Nordic cuisine.

    Seoul's ambassadors are often gastronomes keen to share a taste of their home cuisine. In this series, the Korea JoongAng Daily asks the diplomatic corps to introduce our readers to their favorite restaurants representing cuisine from their homelands, while chatting about issues of interest to our Korean and global audience. — Ed.
    Danish Ambassador to Korea Mikael Hemniti Winther follows a personal rule for nearly every diplomatic posting: Write a song about the host country, and if possible, shoot a music video to go with it.
    The hobby dates back at least to a 2001 posting in Vietnam, where he fronted a band with a fellow diplomat and played Western music at venues across Hanoi.
    "I realized slowly that you can put the two things [diplomacy and music] together, and sometimes use one trade to reinforce the other," Winther said during an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily on Sept. 16.
    Now more than a year into his term in Seoul, Winther has wrapped up recording his newest track with a Korean producer. Its working title is "Alleys of Seoul."
    To most Koreans, Denmark conjures Legos, bicycles and Hans Christian Andersen's fairy tales — but also one of the world's happiest countries, with a welfare model that they want to study.
    Asked what Korea — already a superaged society — might take from Denmark's welfare model, Winther turned the question around. Trust, rather than high tax rates, is the real starting point, he argued, since a society accepts high taxes only once it trusts that the government will spend them fairly.
    "This is one of my favorite questions," he said. "Trust in society, in my opinion, comes basically from the fact that government can be trusted. [...] We have the lowest corruption level in the world. Some of this willingness to pay taxes is connected to that."

    Over lunch at Acid House, a natural wine bar serving Nordic dishes in the posh Sinsa-dong neighborhood of southern Seoul, Winther described how Copenhagen turned into a genuine culinary heavyweight. Copenhagen counted 21 Michelin-starred restaurants holding 31 stars combined in this year's Michelin Guide Nordic Countries, including three restaurants with three stars — more than any other Nordic capital.
    "Danish food culture has only become interesting, honestly, in the last 30 years," he said. "We were a farming country, not very international, for many years, [...] so our food didn't develop much."
    That started to change only after decades of exposure to French and Italian cuisine, and later Thai, Chinese and Japanese food, with a small but growing wave of Korean restaurants now opening in Copenhagen.
    The rest of the conversation moved through the 75th anniversary of Denmark's 1950-53 Korean War hospital ship, the nation's offshore wind initiatives and why Seoul — rather than Tokyo — was chosen to host Denmark's Asian innovation hub.
    Below are excerpts of the interview, edited for length and clarity.

    I came from China before. Shanghai and Seoul have something in common: very hardworking, very dedicated, an extreme focus on education in families, extremely high trustworthiness.
    I ride an Italian scooter around — very popular in Seoul, so I bought one too — and I'm never worried about it. I think that I could leave it with the keys in and disappear for four hours, and someone would run after me and say, "You forgot your key."
    [I've also noticed that] Korean people are more direct than anyone I've met. You're almost as direct in conversation as Danish people, and we are more direct than anyone in the Nordic countries.
    I have a very serious hobby: I play guitar, sing and write songs during my diplomatic missions. I slowly realized that you can put the two things together and sometimes use one trade to reinforce the other. Here in Seoul, people have said, "We don't want to hear your Shanghai song; we want to he...

    Wed, 30 Sep 2026 - 12min
  • 4473 - Beyond Jongno 3-ga: Six Seoul neighborhoods where old industry, local life and new culture meet 1. Mullae-dong 2. North Seongsu 3. Euljiro 4. Seochon's Nuha-dong 5. Dapsimni 6. Mangwon-dong

    Influential Time Out just named Seoul's Jongno 3-ga the "coolest neighborhood" on Earth, citing its "effortless mix of old and new" as its greatest charm.
    But Jongno 3-ga is just one example of what Seoul offers to those seeking that same blend of style and grit.
    Here's a list of similar — but lesser-known — neighborhoods in Seoul where you can experience an authentic local vibe, as well as a curated itinerary.
    Mullae-dong first developed as a residential area for Korean laborers in 1941 during the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-1945). In the 60s, it became an industrial town focused on manufacturing steel parts, but in the 1990s, businesses began losing ground to Chinese competitors. Many companies shuttered, and in their place flowed young artists. Throughout the 2000s, Mullae-dong made a rare successful turnaround, organically regaining its vibrancy as a youthful and artsy town whose new culture coexists with the remaining industrial leg.
    Seongsu is a neighborhood that speaks for itself. A towering Dior flagship, a five-story Olive Young, not one, not two, but at least five Musinsa shops packed within a few blocks and the buttery aroma of freshly baked salt bread wafting through the streets. But this is only a depiction of the southern part of the neighborhood. The northern section, dubbed "Buk Seongsu," with buk meaning north in Korean, remains largely untouched by the rapid commercialization affecting its southern counterpart. The area, roughly north of the Seongsu Station overpass, has retained much of its industrial identity established in the 1960s. It boasts printing houses, machinery shops and car repairs still in full operation. And it is perhaps this slower, more grounded atmosphere that is increasingly drawing in locals, remote workers and trend-savvy tourists looking to avoid the usual hot spots.
    Some call it drab. Others call it retro. Either way, Euljiro is too cool to care. An old industrial town, the neighborhood was an empty lot, cleared by the Japanese colonial government in the 1930s as a firebreak. It then became a refuge for displaced people after the Korean War and soon transformed into one of the city's most infamous red-light districts. As Korea industrialized through the 1960s and '70s, Euljiro evolved into a cluster for printing presses, hardware shops and metal workshops that helped propel the country's manufacturing boom. It also played a crucial role during the pro-democracy movement by producing underground materials in secret. But by the 1990s, Seoul's economy shifted south, and Euljiro declined. Only recently, artists, designers and young entrepreneurs rediscovered its gritty charm, converting workshops into cafes, bars and studios — earning the neighborhood a new nickname, "Hipjiro."
    Nuha-dong, just west of Tongin Market near Gyeongbok Palace, strikes a balance between modest commerce and residential calm. Dating back to the late Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), it is still home to around 600 residents, historic diners and national heritage sites, as well as small upscale restaurants and exceptional bakeries. The adjacent Okin-dong and Nusang-dong neighborhoods also offer boutique shopping experiences. These neighborhoods are still far from flashy, though. Some may even call them boring, and perhaps they are, especially for modern travelers with itineraries and expectations. What makes this corner of Seoul worth visiting is the reward it offers those willing to linger.
    Dapsimni in eastern Seoul has long served as an area people pass through or briefly congregate in. It was never the most glamorous commercial district compared to central Seoul's Insa-dong, but perhaps for that reason, the traces of the old neighborhood remain especially pronounced. Today, the area is split in two by the wide Cheonho-daero boulevard. North of the road, the remnants of the past seem more prominent, with old villas, low-rise apartment buildings and shops that have stood for decades. South of the boulevard, rede...

    Fri, 18 Sep 2026 - 05min
  • 4472 - The Hormuz trilemma: Why Lee Jae Myung's Iran calculation is harder than Roh's Iraq decision How did we get here? Why is Washington singling out Korea specifically? How is Iran responding? What assets could Seoul send to the Middle East? Where does public

    With thousands of Koreans marching on downtown Seoul, an unprecedented direct warning from Tehran and mounting retaliatory pressure from U.S. President Donald Trump, Seoul is caught in an especially tight geopolitical vise.
    Six months after the United States first requested naval assets to secure the Strait of Hormuz, Korea's potential contribution has become one of the most consequential — and volatile — foreign policy decisions of President Lee Jae Myung's term.
    As of mid-September, the government insists no final decision has been made. However, a confluence of alliance politics, domestic opposition and economic leverage is forcing Seoul into a corner.

    The pressure traces back to March, when Trump asked several allies, including Korea and Japan, to consider sending naval assets to the Strait of Hormuz as the U.S.-Iran war disrupted oil shipping.
    While Tokyo's reluctance gave Seoul cover to remain noncommittal through the spring, Trump recently began singling out Korea by name.
    In an Aug. 16 post on Truth Social, Trump wrote that the Korean president had turned down an offer to join the "Denuclearization of the Islamic Republic of Iran" — a rebuff he said he would remember. He cited Korea's reliance on the Strait of Hormuz for about "35 percent" of its oil as a reason he expected help, a story he repeated to reporters the following day.
    Alongside the rhetoric, Washington ordered a sharp curtailment of Ulchi Freedom Shield, the annual Korea-U.S. military exercises, a move widely read in Seoul as retaliation.
    By early September, Seoul shifted from stalling to active planning.
    The Ministry of National Defense dispatched an inspection team to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) over the Sept. 6 weekend to assess operating conditions. The team reportedly assessed bases and logistics support in the UAE, where Korean troops are already stationed to train local forces and where the U.S.-operated Al Dhafra Air Base could serve as a staging point.

    Foreign policy watchers tie the pressure to money as much as to security.
    Korea's $200 billion strategic investment pledge to the United States — the centerpiece of last year's tariff deal — has stalled for roughly ten months. Washington appears to view the delay as deliberate avoidance, using the Hormuz deployment as a test case for an ally it perceives as milking security guarantees while slow-walking economic commitments.
    However, the logjam may be breaking.
    Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan returned from Washington on Sunday, confirming that the two nations are "close to an agreement" on the investment structure, which is capped at $20 billion annually. Leading candidate projects reportedly include a combined-cycle gas power plant in Encina, Texas, and a massive project to build eight nuclear reactors in the United States.
    Whether finalizing the deal this week will satisfy Washington — or if the Hormuz question will remain a bundled point of leverage — is likely to become clearer within days.

    Iran has not taken Seoul's deliberations lightly.
    Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei posted an unusual warning in Korean on X on Sept. 7, stating that any country joining military operations in the Persian Gulf or Hormuz would face "serious consequences" and be treated as "supporting the aggressor."
    Four days later, Tehran's Foreign Minister Seyyed Abbas Araghchi requested a call with his Korean counterpart, Cho Hyun. During the call, Cho reaffirmed that Korea has "not decided anything" on deployment and stressed Seoul's position that free and safe passage for all vessels must be protected.
    The fact that Iran asked for the call suggests Tehran wanted Seoul's position confirmed directly at the ministerial level, moving beyond social media threats.
    Park Hyun-do, a professor at the Sogang Euro-Mediterranean and Middle Eastern Institute, said that Iran would almost certainly strike back militarily even against non-combat assets.
    "Whether it's a patrol aircraft or anything else, I think...

    Tue, 15 Sep 2026 - 10min
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